The future of elections in America

February 2, 2010

I’ve been thinking about this Supreme Court ruling in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission that eliminated the ban on corporate funding of elections. According to various news articles, experts in the area of campaign finance law said they expect this ruling to reshape the way election campaigns are operated. But reshape them in what way? What can we expect future elections to be like? We’ll find out later this year, but that’s not really soon enough, especially for anyone who is hoping to be elected. It would be wise to think about what consequences these new rules might have for all of us.

We know that companies are in the business of making money. Businesses generally want fewer restrictions and regulations that affect them so they can grow and generate more revenue. Uninhibited free market ideals are typically held in high regard by more conservative candidates, and now that big companies can donate significant amounts of money to political candidates, it would be fairly reasonable to expect corporate executives to decide their company should use their money to support conservative or Republican candidates. Not all companies make things like profits and market share their top priorities, and there are many companies that have left-leaning executives (and more likely founders), but the concepts that business in general thrive upon are typically best served by conservative politics.

On the other end of the org chart, this new ruling allows unions to financially support candidates as well. Unions embody the struggle against the profit-hungry corporation and its executives. They strive to achieve fair pay, more benefits, and decent treatment for their members. These are values held by liberal politicians, so it would be reasonable to assume that unions and their members are probably going to be more likely to support liberal or Democratic candidates financially during an election campaign. Again, it’s important to note that this does not apply to everyone. Not all union members, and certainly not all members of the working class, consider themselves to be liberal, but union attitudes in general do tend to favor liberal political positions.

What the Supreme Court’s ruling has essentially done, then, is taken the political divide and brought it into the workplace. This has the potential to put employees at odds with their bosses in ways that are arguably more significant than those that already exist, and the results could be very problematic if the situation escalates. On the benign side, some employees may rethink their current career positions based on whether or not their employer’s political agenda agrees with their own. It may not have been a problem before, but if a company starts actively participating in politics, it could become an issue of concern for some. A more severe possibility, worker strikes could take place at companies whose executives formally endorse and fund a (probably) Republican candidate because the employees’ union (probably) supports the Democrat. None of this is guaranteed to happen, of course, but all of it seems possible. We just don’t know how it will play out yet.

A contrasting scenario is also possible, though. Some companies may notice negative side effects starting to happen, or may simply look ahead and see that they are possible, and then take action to calm or prevent any issues. For example, they may enter into agreements with their employees to remain neutral, agreeing not to fund a particular candidate with corporate money if the employees do not fund his or her opponent with union money. Staying out of politics is probably the smartest option, but not very likely.

Beyond intra-company disputes, there is also the possibility that this will affect how people shop and what they buy. Companies who donate to conservative political candidates may lose some of their more liberal customers, and vice versa. The notion that their political endorsements may affect the company’s bottom line may scare some from making donations, but there will be others who donate and then see how it affects business afterwards.

Companies may also choose to donate a certain percentage of sales of a particular item to a certain political candidate. There may soon be signs in stores saying something like: “Buy a 12-pack of Coke and $1 of the purchase price will go to help elect X.” Smart companies will let you choose which candidate that dollar goes to support. (But again, smarter companies will avoid getting involved in this at all.)

Yet another entirely plausible outcome of this ruling is that some political hopefuls will refuse to accept money from companies or unions (either one, the other, or both, depending on their own position) and use this as an advantage to gain votes. This could be done either on an individual level, or many people who share this independent philosophy could come together to form a new party or strengthen an existing third party. There may even be a chance that an independent third party could gain enough power to be influential in government, although our two party system will be tough to break.

This ruling affects the funding of election campaigns so fundamentally that we can’t even imagine everything that could happen as a result. Every person and organization, all the way from the individual citizen to the party of the elected official who represents them, and everyone in between, has some potential to be affected in one way or another. It is possible that only very minor events could result, but it’s also possible that there could be a significant and permanent shift in the outcome of future elections. Right now, the only thing we can do is think about the situation at hand and figure out how we are going to react to whatever it brings about.

Ted Olsen explains why conservatives should support same-sex marriage

February 1, 2010

Ted Olsen, one of the most esteemed conservative-leaning lawyers in the country (and one of the lawyers currently in court trying to repeal Prop 8 which outlawed same-sex marriage in California), published an article in the January 18th edition of Newsweek magazine entitled The Conservative Case for Gay Marriage. He makes a very compelling argument in the article, just as he did in the courtroom, in favor of same-sex marriage. At times, he counters typically conservative opinions with their own logic. For example, he points out that marriage should be embraced in all its forms, because every type of marriage (not only heterosexual marriage) has been proven to establish stronger families and communities, values that are very important to conservatives. “The fact that individuals who happen to be gay want to share in this vital social institution is evidence that conservative ideals enjoy widespread acceptance. Conservatives should celebrate this, rather than lament it.”

Olsen goes on to describe how the United States has yet to live up to the concept that it was founded upon: that all people are created equally and have certain inalienable rights. Extending equal rights, including that of marriage, to gay people is undeniably supported by the Constitution. What that basically means is that opposing same-sex marriage is un-American, though he didn’t use those exact words himself.

Later in the article, Olsen explains how every anti-same-sex marriage argument he has ever heard was based on false assumptions and lack any solid evidence. He takes a moment to shoot down the most common ones, which he does with ease. Then, when rejecting religious-based opposition to same-sex marriage, he says, “… while our Constitution guarantees the freedom to exercise our individual religious convictions, it equally prohibits us from forcing our beliefs on others.” A quote from Eric Adams, a New York State Senator, comes to mind as a good way to wrap this up: “You don’t have to be gay to respect the rights of those who are.”

Blocking healthcare reform is a great injustice

January 28, 2010

A number of articles have been published recently stating that the main opposition to healthcare reform is coming from people who already have solid health insurance coverage. Among this group, senior citizens account for the largest number of people who are against the proposed bills, although a significant portion is also made up of younger (under 65) people who have good health coverage through some other means. Either way, the result reads the same: A large percentage of people in a position of privilege are opposed to a plan that would help those who are less fortunate. Right now, it is very possible that the fate of people in need could potentially be determined by people who are much better off. This is a great transgression in any situation, and an even larger one when personal health and well-being is at stake.

Do people who already have good health insurance plans even deserve to have a say in how we address health coverage for people who do not? Yes, everyone should have a voice and have the opportunity to express their own opinions, but from a practical point of view, it makes sense to pay the most attention to the people who have little or no health insurance. In other words, when discussing a healthcare bill that largely addresses the needs of people with the lowest amounts of coverage, the eyes and ears of the decision makers should be focused on those very people. The input of people who already have good quality health coverage may be considered, but should be taken lightly by comparison. Essentially, the opinions of the people who are affected by an issue the most should be valued the most. The opinions of the people it affects the least, or not at all, simply do not matter as much.

Every senior citizen over the age of 65, for example, has Medicare as their main health insurer. The coverage Medicare provides is among the best in the country, arguably the best. It is also not affected by the currently proposed healthcare bills. (If you want to get technical, see the note below.) In other words, seniors will continue to be provided with the same Medicare benefits regardless of what happens with healthcare reform. So, because seniors are so well off as far as health coverage goes, and that they are in no threat of losing their benefits, it seems reasonable that their opinions, whether positive or negative, should not be taken as seriously as those of the much less fortunate people who are affected by this bill significantly more. The same goes for veterans who are taken care of by the VA, employees working for companies that provide them with good health insurance benefits, people who just have enough money to buy high quality health insurance plans for themselves, or anyone else who already has good health coverage compared to the people this reform bill is intended to benefit the most.

In a way, anyone who has good healthcare coverage but who is against healthcare reform is actually being kind of selfish. Dare I say, even elitist. They enjoy their own favorable coverage, yet they are against a policy that would allow many other people to improve the quality of their own health insurance. From an outside perspective, it looks like they just want to keep the best for themselves and will do whatever it takes to make sure nobody else can boast that they have health insurance that is equal to or even nearly as good as their own. Surely, this is not being done on purpose in some sort of maniacal plot to keep the rest of us down. They probably have other reasons for being against healthcare reform (including a lot of misconceptions, probably), and they might not even realize how good they have it compared to other people who aren’t as lucky. But the fact is that this is a group of people who have more, and they are effectively obstructing those who have less.

You can actually draw a lot of similarities between this situation and other political struggles that have occurred throughout our country’s history. Take the civil rights movement of the mid-twentieth century as an example. People who already have good health insurance are analogous to white people, and people with little or no health insurance are analogous to African Americans. Blacks fought for better treatment and equal rights, while whites enjoyed more freedom and opportunities, which, by the way, would not have (and have not) been affected by black people gaining equality. Similarly, people who both want and need health insurance reform today are being denied it by people with some of the best insurance in the country, the latter of whom will also not suffer if others are able to get better coverage for themselves. Again, the reason for this is not blatant discrimination as it was in the civil rights movement, but the net effect is the same. The privileged are unjustly threatening the betterment of the underprivileged. It would be a great injustice to let healthcare reform fail because of opposition to it by people who are not only much less affected by it, but also much better off than those who are.

Note: If you want to get technical, there may be some seniors who have Medicare Advantage plans, which provide benefits beyond those of Medicare alone, who could potentially be affected by the bills. This is because these plans are not affiliated with Medicare or provided by the government in any way. They are supplemental insurance plans provided by private insurance companies, and as such, could be affected. However, Medicare itself is not affected, and will remain intact. Furthermore, even if these “advantage” plans were to be completely eliminated (which they won’t be, but if they were), the benefits provided by Medicare are still far more comprehensive than many private health insurance plans, more affordable than the majority of private plans, and more secure than absolutely all private plans since you can’t lose Medicare coverage, ever. So, in no way is there even the slightest chance that seniors will lose their spot as both the best and the most insured group of people in America because of the healthcare reform bills. It simply can’t happen.

Same-sex marriage opponents continue to undermine their own argument in the Prop 8 trial

January 28, 2010

So… Remember how the anti-gay side of the Prop 8 trial’s first expert witness made such a blunder by saying he believed same-sex marriage bans are discriminatory and that he would repeal such laws? Well, it turns out that their second (and last) witness was just as willing to admit the side he was brought in to defend is wrong. David Blankenhorn, founder of the Institute for American Values, admitted under cross-examination that he authored a book about two years ago in which he wrote the country would be “more American on the day we permit same-sex marriage than we were on the day before.” While this statement is absolutely true, it certainly doesn’t help the position of same-sex marriage opponents, especially coming from a man who is supposedly one of them. He also testified that he wasn’t aware of any scientific studies that concluded that children raised by gay parents were any worse off than those raised by heterosexual parents, clearly undermining one of the anti-gay side’s core arguments in this trial.

To prove just how nonsensical Blankenhorn’s opinion is, his argument is that same-sex marriage is not as good as heterosexual marriage in the same way that adoption (regardless of whether it’s by gay or straight parents) is not as good as having biological children. It’s just not as good? That is purely, without a shadow of a doubt, just an opinion, which clearly has no real scientific evidence to support it. That’s not even me saying that. That’s just based on the absolute lack of substantive evidence the anti-gay side of this case has provided. It’s no wonder that Judge Walker nearly revoked Blankenhorn’s status as an “expert” witness.

Ah yes, the truth comes to light. The defendants’ own witnesses are making the plaintiffs’ case. Now it becomes very obvious why the anti-gay side didn’t want this trial to be televised. It would have revealed just how bogus their arguments are to the whole world. Thank goodness for the internet!

The economic benefits of same-sex marriage and the inanity of anti-gay arguments

January 27, 2010

San Francisco’s chief economist Edmund Egan testified in the Perry v. Schwarzenegger trial on Thursday the 14th that same-sex marriage is good for the economy. He cited evidence showing that married people are both healthier and wealthier than single people, which means that their lives would be better in general. Some benefits include lower worker absenteeism, greater productivity, and higher wages. Egan also said that the extra weddings and married couples would generate more income for the state and local governments and economies. Healthcare costs would be reduced because married couples are both less likely to need healthcare services and also more likely to be covered by insurance, which means government subsidization of healthcare costs would be reduced. Furthermore, the increased wages that married couples generate would mean more payroll taxes for the government, as well as increased consumer spending which means more money going into the local economy. Not to mention the fact that weddings themselves are usually incredibly expensive, so more of them would be economically beneficial as well.

If someone didn’t know what the issue was but knew that it would create all these benefits for everyone, they would surely be in favor of it. Blatant discrimination is the only reason why anyone would choose to give up such immense benefits. There simply is no other explanation.

More recently, the defense side of this case (the anti-gay side) just began their testimony yesterday, and already one of their key “experts”, a government professor named Kenneth Miller, has stated under oath that the Defense of Marriage Act (which is pretty much the same thing as California’s same-sex marriage ban, just on the national level) is discriminatory. He also admitted significant shortcomings even in his qualifications as an expert on the issues being debated, saying things like he didn’t know whether gay people or black people enjoyed more political power in government (which is really not a difficult thing to know, even for the mildly politically aware), and that the bulk of his gay rights-related knowledge came from Yes on 8 campaign advertising. And… And! When being questioned by one of the pro-gay-side lawyers if he believed “laws that discriminate against intimate relationships between gays and lesbians [are] prejudice”, Miller responded, “I would vote to repeal such laws. I have no idea what good purpose they would serve.”

I am certainly not in support of the anti-gay side here, but what the hell kind of defense is that?! Have you ever heard of anything more self-defeating? Their very first expert called on to testify is already saying that the other side is right and the side he is supposed to be defending is wrong, and very plainly so. That’s just… holy crap! I literally burst out laughing when I read that. This just goes to show that the anti-gay argument is basically non-existent. It’s just a bunch of made up bullshit intended only to scare people from being nice to their fellow man. If the rest of their defense goes like this, and I hope it does, gays will be getting married again in California faster than you can say “Prop 8″.

And by the way, if these people knew anything about the Bible they claim to value so much, they would know that Jesus never turned anyone away, and that the ultimate message of religion is supposed to be one of universal love and inclusion of everyone. That’s something so fundamental that they teach it in Sunday school. How can you go from singing “Jesus Loves Me” as a little kid to shouting “Jesus hates you” as an adult? Something obviously went very wrong as you grew up, and it was something with you because Jesus certainly didn’t change.

What Democrats can learn from Scott Brown’s win

January 25, 2010

The loss of Ted Kennedy’s old Senate seat to the Republican candidate Scott Brown has a silver lining for Democrats. Conservative news pundits have all been saying how this is a wakeup call for the Democrats. Thinking about everything that’s at play here, they are right. While some of the blame for this loss may be on the Democratic candidate, Martha Coakley, for assuming that her victory was guaranteed so she had no real reason to campaign that much (or well), the overall political situation in the country right now did have something to do with it as well.

The key determinant in the election of Barack Obama was independent, unaffiliated voters. He presented the best promises to address the issues they were most concerned about, namely the economic recession and job loss. Sure, there were other issues like the war, healthcare reform, energy independence and the environment, but the economy and unemployment were the issues that the largest number of people were most concerned about. And Obama did make good progress on the economic recovery. It wasn’t perfect, but the economy did stabilize and is now slowly getting better. However, unemployment rates remains high and have only gotten worse. The rate at which they are increasing has decreased, but that just doesn’t translate into an improvement in most peoples’ minds. Many people feel that the Obama administration and Congress should have been doing more to create more jobs, faster, but they failed to do so. That is not an irrational feeling, either.

In a strange way, Obama is almost as ideological as George W. Bush was. The specific beliefs of their ideologies are obviously very different, but the notion that they both have these ideas of things they want to accomplish despite a lack of overwhelming support for them is accurate. Taking on healthcare reform is certainly a noble task, but looking back from where we are now, it seems like that shouldn’t have been the next biggest priority. The independents, the people who voted for Obama, still don’t have their jobs. That was their number one biggest concern, but it wasn’t, or at least didn’t appear to be, the Democrats’ biggest concern, so people have started to look elsewhere for the change they were promised. The same independent voters who elected Barack Obama have now elected Scott Brown, and unemployment remained the top issue people were concerned about at exit polls. This really is a reality check for the Democrats.

However, all those conservative news pundits are wrong in assuming that Scott Brown’s win, along with the election of Republican governors to Virginia and New Jersey a few months ago, necessarily means that the Democrats are going to fade from power quickly. That is certainly a possibility, but their loss in Massachusetts is actually, at least in part, a blessing in disguise. The talking heads said this is a wakeup call, and they are right, but they have forgotten that losses are also opportunities. This is a lesson that Democrats can learn from, and it is especially beneficial that it happened now because there is still a decent amount of time before November’s midterm elections arrive. They still have time to take corrective measures. Whether they do this well or not is what’s going to affect how they fare in November.

Democrats need to shift their attention from healthcare reform and place it on making jobs. During Obama’s campaign, we were promised plentiful jobs building things and doing all kinds of renovations and infrastructure upgrades, and there has been talks in the background in Washington about a jobs bill that is supposedly taking shape, but we have yet to see anything substantial come of any of this. Healthcare needs to be taken out of the spotlight and figured out as a side-note issue. The focus needs to be on building jobs and lowering unemployment. And actually get something done! The Democrats need to have something to show people that things really are getting better because of things they have done. They have an opportunity to take this loss and turn it around into a win. They are almost certainly not going to be able to keep all of their seats in Congress, if only for the simple fact that one party hasn’t had this much power in decades, but they can make the best of this situation and preserve as many seats as possible.

I wouldn’t be surprised if Obama made a point to bring this up in Wednesday night’s State of the Union address. There will probably, or at least should, be minimal talk about healthcare reform relative to that of efforts to create jobs and further invigorate the economy. This is what mainstream America cares most about, so it should be what the president addresses the most enthusiastically. Right now, he really needs to be doing everything in his power to let people know that he understands what they want and is doing everything in his power to give them that.

Fiscal conservatism does not necessarily equal fiscal responsibility

January 22, 2010

This is just a side note to my previous post about our nation’s budget problems, but I thought it was worth noting.

One thing some people forget, or simply don’t realize, is the fact that there is a difference between what someone believes and whether or not that belief is responsible. This disparity seems to be most prominent when the issue is fiscal policy. People often consider conservative financial concepts to be fiscally responsible, while more liberal concepts are seen as irresponsible. However, this is not necessarily true. The responsibility factor has to do with whether or not the specific budget policies are sustainable. In other words, whether the budget balances or not.

There is no correlation between responsibility and the amount of money that is spent or what that money is spent on. A conservative fiscal policy that has low spending rates is responsible only if it is taking in at least as much as it is sending out. Likewise, a liberal fiscal policy that has a lot of expenses is still responsible as long as it takes in enough money to pay for all of the budgeted items. Conversely, a conservative budget is irresponsible if income does not equal or exceed the expenses. The same is true for a liberal budget as well.

It is probably true that a conservative fiscal policy can be made responsible more easily simply because there is a lower threshold to reaching a balanced budget, but this does not in any way mean that a budget or fiscal policy is automatically responsible because it is conservative in nature or irresponsible because it is liberal. The amount of spending does not determine the level of responsibility. The balance of income to expenses does.

The tragedy of the federal budget: Why increasing taxes is the only way to save us from doom

January 21, 2010

The United States is currently entering what could be a very long and perhaps unending financial crisis. We are nearing the brink, the tipping point beyond which there is no reasonable hope of recovery. This is very troubling. This is a problem that needs to be addressed immediately and aggressively. It is important to keep in mind, however, that there is a significant difference between what people say and the reality of the situation. We need to look at the basic, overall picture of what is going on, and distinguish the truths that will help save us from the fallacies that are spun only to fortify an opinion or promote specific policies.

Contrary to what some people would like to suggest, the blame for our budget crisis cannot be placed on any single policy item like the war in Iraq or the financial bailouts or the healthcare reform bill that is currently being debated. The war and the bailouts were certainly major expenses, but not necessarily ones that were entirely negative, and the (independent, nonpartisan) Congressional Budget Office has in fact made it quite clear that the currently proposed healthcare reform measures would actually help to reduce the budget deficit when compared to the status quo. The problem we face is much bigger than any single policy or bill. It is actually very simple. The government spends more than it makes.

Our most recent (and current) period of spending more than we earned started in the early 2000s. We started with a budget surplus of several hundred billion dollars that Clinton had created (it didn’t exist when he entered office, but did by the time he left), but by 2003 we were in the red and going further into debt. [see figs. 1A and 1B] What happened during this period? Spending went way up and income went way down. Specifically, George W. Bush sent the country to war and lowered taxes at the same time. Going to war wasn’t the problem. Lowering taxes wasn’t the problem. It was these two things happening at the same time that caused the problem. Instead of revenue and expenses keeping pace with each other, they went in the opposite direction. That’s what the problem was, and is. The United States essentially took a big pay cut but bought a bigger house and a new car anyway.


Fig. 1A: Budget deficits and national debt increases over the past decade.
Note that the Clinton administration created the 2001 budget. The Bush-43 administration created the budgets from 2002 to 2009. Obama’s first budget was 2010, which was planned in early 2009, and is not shown because the year is obviously not over yet.


Fig. 1B: Tax revenue compared to expenses as a percentage of GDP.
For most of the time, expenses were greater than income. We were starting to get back into the black during the Clinton years, but Bush-43 took us back into debt.

Historically, the income tax rate has gone up during and after a war. They cost a lot of money (and lives, but that’s a different discussion), but we realize that we have to pay for them somehow. We act rationally and responsibly by raising taxes and paying off our debts. During and after World War Two, for example, income tax rates spiked to 94% for the top tax bracket and 23% for the lowest. The top tax bracket then stayed above 80% until 1964, and remained above 50% until 1987. As of 2009, however, it was just 35%, one of the lowest top bracket income tax rates since before World War One. [see fig. 2] Furthermore, the current income tax rate for the lowest bracket is currently just 10%, which is even lower than it was during Reagan’s administration.


Fig. 2: Income tax rate for the highest income bracket over time.
Citizens currently enjoy incredibly low income tax rates, but it is at the expense of the nation’s financial health.

Unfortunately, since the early 2000s, we have been irrational and irresponsible. We have spent more and more money while taking in less and less. Our situation now may not be nearly as dire as what was happening during the 1940s, but we are at war and we do need to fund it somehow. Rather disturbingly, our income tax rates were decreased to near record lows at a time when they should have actually been increased. It’s really not surprising that we have such a problem now.

Most people would agree that our country’s expenses should reflect tax revenue, but tax rates should also reflect expenses. This means that when costs go up, we need to not only cut costs to offset the disparity, which everyone seems to be in favor of, but also increase revenue to pay off the debt that has grown, which few people enthusiastically support. But the latter does have to be done, and soon. The reasons for this are twofold. First, for several years now, we haven’t even been making enough money to pay for what we are already doing, regardless of what we may do in the years to come. Our debt has continued to climb up and up to just about the point where all the cost cutting you could possibly do will not get us out of debt. Second is actually the reason that cost cutting alone cannot get us out of debt, and that is because the nondiscretionary part of our budget (meaning the stuff we absolutely have to pay, like Social Security and Medicare) now eats up the vast majority of our nation’s annual total tax revenue. This stuff can’t be cut. At all. Period.

The difference between the total government revenue and the nondiscretionary expenses is what is left over for discretionary, or “optional” items. Those are the only things that can be cut. However, that difference is extremely small right now, and those expenses aren’t exactly optional, either… just adjustable. Because that difference is so small, yet our country still needs to continue to operate, we are forced to spend significantly more on discretionary items than we can afford. In fact, the majority of the money that pays for discretionary items comes from increasing our debt. [see fig. 3]


Fig. 3: Total revenue and expenditure estimates for 2010.
The distance from the top of the blue total revenue bar on the left and the division line between discretionary and mandatory spending sections on the right (right where it says “potential disaster”) is the total amount of money we have to spend on discretionary items without increasing our debt. The mandatory, nondiscretionary items cannot be reduced, so the only way to balance the budget without completely eliminating all federal departments and agencies including the entire military is to significantly increase revenue.

Anyone who tells you that cost cutting alone can solve our budget crisis is either lying or poorly informed. As of the 2010 budget, you could completely eliminate every single department and agency our country needs to run on and dissolve the entire military and we would just barely break even. (And forget about paying off any of that debt, by the way. Only the interest on our debt is a mandatory expense.) That’s how little money we have to spend after the nondiscretionary budget items are paid for. Part of the reason for that is that government’s estimated revenue for this year is lower due to the recession, but we were still in the same budget deficit situation several years ago when the economy was booming, just to a lesser extent. So either way, cost cutting just isn’t enough. We need more revenue.

One thing we know is that the essential, nondiscretionary expenses are relatively predictable and that they are certainly not going to decrease. That means that nondiscretionary spending as a whole is a relatively steady expense. Therefore, the fewer taxes and other revenue we take in, the larger percentage of that money is going to pay for those expenses. That’s the situation we are in now. What we need to be doing is increasing overall revenue in order to decrease the relative percentage of that money that is being spent on the nondiscretionary items. That will make the difference between our total revenue and the cost of the nondiscretionary items larger, meaning we have more money to spend on discretionary items (which, again, aren’t really optional). This is the only way we can increase the ratio of discretionary to nondiscretionary spending to a proportion that is reasonable and sustainable. Remember, nondiscretionary spending cannot be reduced. Revenue must go up.

The very best way to increase government revenue is to increase income taxes. Income taxes make up nearly half of the government’s total annual earnings. [see fig. 4] Approximately equal to that are the combined receipts from Social Security and payroll taxes. The government could, theoretically, charge people more for their Social Security benefits, but the resistance to that and issues it could cause are probably significantly greater than simply raising income tax rates. They could also introduce new tariffs on imported goods or establish various other taxes on other things, but they would all be drops in the bucket compared to raising income tax rates. (The government does, however, need to do a major overhaul of both the Social Security system as well as Medicare and Medicaid at some point over the next decade or so, or else the rate at which they are growing will cripple our economy entirely. They’re already in debt, and the Government Accountability Office has predicted that these programs will eventually push mandatory spending far beyond any possible government revenue rates sometime between 2030 and 2040.)


Fig. 4: Total revenue estimates for 2010 by source.
Income taxes make up nearly half of total government revenue. You can’t really spend Social Security money on other things, and increasing any of the smaller items wouldn’t have much of an impact, so income taxes need to increase.

There may be some who argue out of ignorance that we don’t need any discretionary expenses at all, that all of the essentials the country needs to run on are covered under the nondiscretionary items, but they would be sadly mistaken. All of the government departments and agencies are discretionary in the federal budget. [see fig. 5] Everything from the Department of State and Department of Education to the Department of Defense and Department of Homeland Security. All of these agencies are rather important in the operation and well-being of our country, to put it lightly.


Fig. 5: 2010 budget spending by category.
Nondiscretionary items include Social Security, the unemployment/welfare/other category, Medicare, Medicaid, and the interest on the national debt. Everything else is discretionary, most of which has been funded over the last several years by borrowing, and sending us further into debt. Note that the full circle represents what we are spending, which is far greater than what we are earning.

That’s not to say that cost cutting shouldn’t also be employed to help get our country back in the black. If you’re looking for a nice, big, juicy chunk of the discretionary budget to cut, try the Department of Defense. Their budget is enormous, at roughly one-fifth of the entire federal budget (both nondiscretionary and discretionary combined). It makes up about half of the discretionary budget alone, easily its the largest single item. It is so large, in fact, that the combined budgets of the Department of Health and Human Services, Department of Transportation, Department of Veterans Affairs, Department of State, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Department of Education, Department of Homeland Security, Department of Energy, Department of Agriculture, Department of Justice, Department of Commerce, Department of Labor, Department of the Treasury, Department of the Interior, NASA, and the Environmental Protection Agency do not even equal the size of the defense budget. (Those were all in descending order of budget size based on the 2010 budget, in case you were wondering.) But again, even getting rid of all of those things completely will still not do the trick. We still need to bring in more money.

What has become painfully clear, through continual, but much needed repetition, is that we need to be earning more money. Whether we should be spending our money in the proportions currently budgeted is another issue entirely, but we need to be earning enough money to cover our expenses. Taxes should absolutely not be cut when spending is increasing, especially when it increases dramatically like it has during the better part of the last decade. Doing so is simply foolish. We must raise income taxes if we are going to have any real hope of paying off our debts and balancing the national budget.

The twist to this story, of course, is that we have just gone through a major economic recession. It is just about universally accepted that raising taxes at any point during the past two years would have almost certainly hurt the rate at which we are now recovering. Fortunately, things are looking a bit better now and people are becoming more optimistic. Millions of Americans are still unemployed, and the job prospects are still fairly bleak, but the stock market has gained consistently for almost 11 months now and companies are starting to see a turnaround. At least the people who have money are back to making more of it, so we need to start thinking about inching up the income tax rate for the highest income brackets. 2011′s budget, which is going to be planned in just a few months from now, should start to address this issue. Then, once we have suitably gone from being just stable to starting to grow a little bit, tax rates overall should be pushed up slightly to help stave off our current and growing budget problems. At no time should a reduction in income tax rates even be considered. We simply cannot afford it.

In the meantime, there are a few things we could do to help increase government revenue without having a negative impact on the economic recovery. We could tax and/or increase taxes on any items that are bad for us, like cigarettes and alcohol. This would generate more income while discouraging use of such damaging products. We could tax and/or increase taxes elective surgery and elective medications (think: performance enhancing drugs), making money off of things that aren’t necessary. We could end farming subsidies, eliminating lots of wasted spending (although I personally would divert at least some of this money towards promoting healthy foods). We could withdraw our military forces from all of the bases in all of the dozens of countries all around the world that we occupy even during peacetime, which is not only unnecessary and very costly, but is also seen by some (especially our current enemies) as a provocation. We could tax all revenue generated for US-based companies by outsourced employees, making money and encouraging job growth here in America. We could introduce a flat tax on all imported items, which would not only take advantage of our massive trade deficit, but also encourage people to buy American-made products and services which has its own positive economic effects. We could tax all processed food and drink products and/or those that use biologically-modified ingredients, promoting both better health and stronger tax revenue. We could tax the greenhouse gases that companies emit into the atmosphere instead of just letting them emit a certain amount for free, thereby creating extra revenue while helping to clean up the environment.

These are just some of the ideas that could be implemented that would have a relatively small effect on individual people when compared to taxing them directly. Although, that really needs to come into play later on in another year or two, too. And in a pretty big way. Once our economic situation is straightened out a little bit more, the highest income tax bracket needs to go from its current rate of 35% to at least 50%, and it will need to stay there for a while, preferably indefinitely. It might even be a good idea to increase it even further temporarily until the bulk of our outstanding debt is paid off. A few years after the first high income tax increases, the lower tax brackets should be increased, with the lowest going from the current 10% to 12% at the very least, with an eventual increase to 14% or 15% being ideal. Then we will finally be making enough money.

Just the latest in the Prop 8 trial news…

January 14, 2010

Judge Walker announced the results of public comments regarding the question about whether or not to televise the trial. 138,542 people were in favor of televising it, and only 32 people were opposed to it. While those numbers are incredible, members of the anti-gay side filed an emergency appeal with the US Supreme Court which essentially begged them to hide the trial from being seen by the American public, the people it affects. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court ruled to block televising the trial today. So much for transparency.

What are these people who went to so much effort to block the trial from being shown on television trying to hide? Are they ashamed of their homophobic views? Do they fear being ridiculed if people find out that they support the unfair treatment and denial of rights of millions of their fellow citizens? If they do, and if they would be ashamed, they have to know somewhere deep inside that the position they are supporting is wrong.

You can keep track of the trial on Prop8TrialTracker.com, a site started by the Courage Campaign.

The new field of epigenetics and how it affects the gay rights debate

January 11, 2010

Time.com currently has an article (actually it’s a series of 5 short segments that you have to click through) that explains the basic principles behind the relatively new scientific field of epigenetics. Epigenetics shows that a person’s genetic makeup does not determine their characteristics alone, but instead that there is effectively a process in which certain parts of the DNA are switched on or off in each person. Really fascinating stuff.

Although it is not mentioned anywhere in this article, epigenetics is also the latest and most promising theory about what determines a person’s sexuality. The theory goes that a given set of DNA (perhaps all sets of DNA) has the ability to make the individual to which it belongs both straight and gay. It is the hormones and other chemicals and interactions that take place during fetal development, along with a possible but less certain effect from family history, that determines whether the epigenetic “switch” that determines sexual orientation is flipped to a straight or gay setting.

Studies done with sets of identical twins, who have both the exact same DNA and the exact same living environment, but where one is gay and the other is straight have come a long way in advancing this theory.

The idea that one’s sexual orientation could one day be artificially determined by the parents of an unborn child may scare some gay people and excite some of those who are anti-gay, but the ability to actually do that is still probably pretty far off in the future. It would also likely raise a massive ethical debate about playing with human life, possibly on the scale of that of abortion. That is probably gay rights advocates’ best asset for this debate.

Any Christian who would argue that a parent should intervene to make sure their child’s epigenetics determines they will be straight would rightfully be called a hypocrite. According to their own beliefs, mankind should not play God, for it is God himself who is the only one who should be deciding how life is formed and what the characteristics of that life should be. Mankind is not supposed to interfere with God’s will and what he creates. This person’s hypocrisy would be even more blatant if they were pro-life in the abortion debate. How can you be against interfering with nature and life when the issue is abortion, but in favor of interfering with it if the issue is (homo)sexuality? That’s just not logical. It doesn’t make any sense.

Come to think of it, if said person were to argue in favor of manipulating a fetus’s development process in an attempt to change its sexual orientation, that would require the abandonment of the belief that being gay is a choice. That alone would conflict with whatever outmoded, traditional belief system they are still clinging on to. But maybe that would strangely be a good thing. The act of an anti-gay person latching onto a gay-friendly position, even if it is just a vain attempt to reinforce their own ideas, is sort of like a mini-win for science and understanding. It’s not really the told-you-so win we are looking for, but it could be a sign of progress. At the very least, it’s a

Whatever the arguments may be, the key thing to remember is that they will always exist. Regardless of whether it is nature or nurture or a little of both, there will always be homophobic people trying to figure out how to rid the world of homosexuality and using any explanation at all to argue their case. No one theorized cause of homosexuality is any “better” than any other. None are necessarily more advantageous or easier to debate in favor of. It is always going to boil down to the underlying principles of fairness and tolerance of different kinds of people, and whether we embrace them or push them away. Which will you choose?


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